Quantitative Strategy

The data source employed for the quantitative analysis was the extended questionnaire from the 2020 Population and Housing Census, conducted in March 2020, based on a nationally, statewide, and municipally representative sample. The selected subsample included 15 544 CA aged between 5 and 17 years residing in Baja California, with 89.7% not being household heads but having relevant information on the variables of interest (2 490 were non-recent internal migrants, and 1 065 were recent migrants). Information from parents was linked to these cases through the father’s or mother’s identifier, and household information was linked through the household identifier.

The dependent variable for this study was school enrollment, as determined by the census question: “Does [Name] currently attend school?” The responses to this question were categorized as either yes or no (^{INEGI, 2020}). The population census employs this question to gauge school enrollment, assessing whether the student is currently studying (^{Giorguli et al., 2010}), without specifying the frequency of attendance. Non-enrollment, in this context, may indicate either a temporary or permanent interruption in the school trajectory.

The main explanatory variable was the internal migration of CA, estimated indirectly at the interstate level (^{Partida, 2015}; ^{Romo et al., 2013}). This variable comprised three categories: a) recent migrants, defined as those who had resided in a different state than their current residence for the past five years, based on the question: “Five years ago, in March 2015, in which state of the republic or country did [Name] live?”; b) non-recent migrants, characterized by residence in the same state five years ago but born in a different state than the current one, as per the question: “In which state of the Mexican republic or country was [Name] born?”; and c) non-internal migrants, reflecting residence in Baja California in March 2015 and being born in the same state, considering the possibility of continuing to reside in the entity.

It is important to note that the definition of internal migration based on the population census, although enabling the indirect estimation of this phenomenon, comes with limitations (^{Partida, 2015}; ^{Sobrino, 2010}). Firstly, the source is a survey conducted on inhabited dwellings, lacking information on individuals in migratory transit or engaged in temporary migration. Secondly, a person living in a place different from their birthplace or with a residence of five years or less is considered a migrant, yet this does not provide a comprehensive picture of the individual’s entire migratory history. Similarly, it is not feasible to temporally locate migration, except for migration within the last five years, making it challenging to comprehend changes in the socio-economic conditions and characteristics of migrants over time.

The occupation of the parents and indigenous status were introduced as additional explanatory variables interacting with internal migration. In terms of occupation, the analysis not only considered agricultural employment but also made a comparison with employment in the maquila industry, which is the primary occupation of internal migrants (^{INEGI, 2020}). Concerning indigenous status, the study took into account whether the father or mother spoke an indigenous language and their affiliation with an indigenous group. Children and Adolescents (CA) with any of these ethnic characteristics were categorized as indigenous. Control variables included gender, age, parents’ education,⁵ family structure (living with both parents, one parent, or none), overcrowding in the dwelling (more than two people in each room), the number of assets within the household,⁶ and rural status.

The statistical analysis was carried out considering the internal migrant condition, and school enrollment percentages were calculated across different age groups. Sociodemographic characteristics of CA were described, and bivariate relationships between independent variables and the dependent variable were explored. All variables under consideration exhibited statistical significance for school enrollment (refer to Table 2) and contributed to enhancing the goodness of fit in the multivariate model, as indicated by likelihood ratio tests (^{Powers & Xie, 2000}). However, the rural condition was excluded from the multivariate models due to its correlation with the parents’ educational level.

Logistic regression was utilized to estimate the statistical relationship between internal migration and school enrollment, the dependent variable. The exp β, representing the odds ratio⁷ of being enrolled or not enrolled in school for the categories of independent variables compared to the reference category, was presented (^{Powers & Xie, 2000}). The expression (exp β − 1) × 100 is interpreted as the percentage change in the odds of the categories of the dependent variable, independent of the effect of other covariates. Exp β values less than one indicate a negative statistical relationship, whereas values greater than one demonstrate a positive association.

Qualitative Strategy

Teachers’ perceptions were examined to gain insights into the experiences of CA concerning educational integration. Semi-structured interviews were carried out in February and March 2022, employing snowball sampling. The focus was on teachers working in rural or peri-urban areas of Ensenada, Baja California, who had experience with recent internal migrant students in their classrooms. Through this sampling method, two teachers from different schools were interviewed, and they, in turn, recommended additional participants.

The interviews were conducted through both in-person and online methods, as halfway through the fieldwork, the state educational system transitioned back to in-person mode after a temporary closure caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. In the interviews, teachers shared their educational experiences covering the periods before the pandemic (2015-2020), during the closure, and after the resumption of in-person classes. To maintain confidentiality, the names of the teachers have been kept anonymous, and pseudonyms are used.

Interviews were conducted with a total of 11 teachers, comprising seven women and four men. These teachers were distributed across various educational levels, areas (eight in rural and two in peri-urban), and types of schools (two in indigenous multigrade and the remaining in general schools). Lupita and Mariana were teachers at a preschool in San Antonio de las Minas, while Noé worked at an elementary school in Valle de Guadalupe (Francisco Zarco). In the Real de Castillo delegation, Sara and Grecia were teachers in secondary and preschools, respectively. In Valle de la Trinidad, Pedro taught at an elementary school. In Maneadero, four teachers were identified: David and Jennifer in indigenous multigrade primary schools, Beatriz in a general elementary school, and Joel in a general secondary school. Additionally, teacher Raquel was involved in a program aimed at internal migrant CA. On average, these teachers had between 8 and 30 years of work experience, either in the classroom or as directors. Among the 11 teachers, three (Lupita, David, and Jennifer) also had experience in school management.

During the interviews with the teachers, they were queried about their basic information, the characteristics of the school environments (including features of the schools or classrooms and available resources), and the educational processes encountered by internal migrant students. Additionally, information was collected regarding the sociodemographic characteristics of these students, the language they speak, their living arrangements, and the alternative activities they participate in outside of school. The exploration further delved into the family capitals, encompassing cultural and socioeconomic aspects, with a specific focus on whether the occupations of family members influence the educational processes of migrant children.

Educational and Sociodemographic Disadvantages of Internal Migrant Children and Adolescents

Graph 1 illustrates the school enrollment of CA in Baja California categorized by age and internal migration status. Commencing from the age of seven, school enrollment among recent internal migrants is lower than that of non-recent migrants and non-migrants, particularly in the age range of 15 to 17 years. At these ages, only 57.8% of recent internal migrants attend school, indicating a gap of 14.3 percentage points compared to non-recent migrants and 20.5 percentage points compared to non-migrants.

Source: Own elaboration based on the Population and Housing Census 2020 (^{INEGI, 2020}).

Graph 1. School Enrollment by Age Groups and Internal Migration Status of Children and Adolescents in Baja California, Mexico 

The low school enrollment of internal migrants is also noticeable in the age group of five to six years, especially when compared to non-migrants. Overall, 80.4% of recent internal migrants attend school, a figure similar to that of non-recent migrants, but lower than the 88.3% of non- migrants. It is essential to highlight that, from the age of 12 onwards, non-recent internal migrants also exhibit disadvantages in school enrollment compared to non-migrants.

Table 1 analyzes the socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of CA based on their internal migration status. Recent internal migrants are more concentrated among those under 12 years old, while non-recent internal migrants are older, in contrast to non-migrants. Concerning household characteristics, the majority of recent internal migrants live with their mother or without both parents, compared to non-migrants. It is also observed that the human capital of the parents of internal migrants (both recent and non-recent) is lower than that among non-migrants. Likewise, among internal migrants, the percentage with indigenous parents is higher, especially among recent migrants. Regarding parents’ occupation, it stands out that agricultural work is slightly more common among recent and non-recent internal migrants, and work in the maquila sector is more prevalent among recent internal migrants compared to non-migrants.

In terms of housing characteristics, recent internal migrants often find themselves in more crowded living conditions compared to both non-recent migrants and non-migrants. The economic capital is also reflected in household assets, with the average number being lower for internal migrants at 6.6 out of the 12 assets measured through the variable, in contrast to the average of 8.2 assets among non-migrants. Only a quarter of recent internal migrants and half of non-recent migrants own their dwelling, a sharp contrast with nearly 70% of non-migrants. Lastly, it is noteworthy that a higher percentage of internal migrants reside in localities with fewer than 15 000 inhabitants (rural or peri-urban), as compared to non-migrants.

Sociodemographic and Structural Factors of School Enrollment

Logistic regression models enable the evaluation of the statistical relationship between enrollment and internal migration. As depicted in Table 2, the multivariate model confirmed the negative association of internal migration with school enrollment, independent of the sociodemographic profiles’ effects. It was observed that among recent internal migrants, there was a 39% lower likelihood of attending school ([1-0.61]*100), and among non-recent migrants, it was 17% less likely than among non-migrants ([1-0.83]*100). Regarding gender and age, the expected results were observed: males (versus females) and those in the age groups of 5 to 6 years or 15 to 17 years, versus those of 7 to 11 years, exhibited lower school enrollment. The interaction of gender with internal migration was examined, but no significant differences in school enrollment were noted. Regarding family characteristics, school enrollment increased with higher educational levels of household heads, when CA lived with parents—especially with the mother or both—and when parents were indigenous. Conversely, parental work in agriculture and maquila was negatively associated with school enrollment. Regarding housing characteristics, individuals experiencing overcrowded conditions had lower school enrollment than those who did not, while the likelihood of attending school was higher with an increased number of household assets and when residing in an owned dwelling.

The analysis further explored the disparities in the school enrollment of internal migrants by examining interactions between the migration variable and indigenous status, as well as parental occupation, specifically comparing agricultural work with employment in the maquiladora industry. Recent internal migrants are notably concentrated in the category of indigenous people and engage in either agricultural work or maquiladora employment. Therefore, it becomes crucial to ascertain whether these characteristics maintain the same disadvantageous relationship with school enrollment, regardless of the time they have been residing in Baja California.

Despite the general observation that being indigenous tends to act as a protective factor for school enrollment, as indicated by both bivariate and multivariate models, the findings from the interaction between internal migration and having indigenous parents (significant in likelihood ratio tests p () 0.001) reveal a different pattern among recent internal migrants (Graph 2). The positive relationship between being indigenous and school enrollment is evident among non- migrants and non-recent internal migrants. However, among recent migrants, being indigenous did not exhibit a protective effect on school enrollment. Recent internal indigenous migrants face an educational disadvantage, with the odds ratio significantly lower than unity and comparable to that of non-indigenous individuals.

Source: Own elaboration based on the 2020 Population and Housing Census (^{INEGI, 2020}).

Graph 2. Odds ratios of school enrollment by internal migration and indigenous status of parents. Population 5 to 17 years old, Baja California, Mexico Note: ***p () 0.001, *p () 0.05; reference category=Non-internal migrants, non-indigenous; reasons derived from the multivariate model, same covariates from Table 2; line indicates confidence intervals.  

Graph 3 illustrates the interaction of internal migration with the agricultural and maquila employment of parents. In general, CA whose parents work in agriculture or the maquila industry have a lower probability of attending school compared to those with parents in other occupations (odds ratios lower than unity in all cases), and school enrollment is further diminished when they are recent internal migrants. Among recent internal migrants, the impact of parental agricultural employment on CA school enrollment is more pronounced than that of employment in the maquila industry.

Source: Own elaboration based on the 2020 Population and Housing Census (^{INEGI, 2020}).

Graph 3. Odds Ratios of School Enrollment by Internal Migration and Parental Employment. Population 5 to 17 Years Old, Baja California, Mexico Note: ***p () 0.001, *p () 0.05; reference category=No internal migrants, without parents in…; reasons derived from multivariate model, same covariates from Table 2; line indicates confidence intervals.  

Perceptions of Teachers Regarding the Social and School Context of Internal Migrant Children and Adolescents in Baja California

In this section, the results of interviews conducted with teachers in Ensenada, Baja California are presented. This municipality was chosen because of its extensive rural and semi-urban areas, along with the prevalence of vineyards, ranches, livestock, and general agricultural activities.

a) Sociodemographic Characteristics of Internal Migrant Students

Internal migrant students identified by the teachers originated from various states, listed in descending order of significance: Oaxaca, Chiapas, Michoacán, Sinaloa, Sonora, Guerrero, Estado de México, Nayarit, Veracruz, and Puebla. Additionally, teachers observed some students from other municipalities in Baja California, particularly from ejidos in the Mexicali valley and San Quintín.

According to the teachers, the living conditions of internal migrant students were precarious. They noted that some students reside in single-room houses with couples and children. “They often have small plywood or wooden houses with plastic roofs” (Sara, personal communication, February 15, 2022). On the other hand, teacher Jennifer stated, “They are made of wood, some are made of material […] they are the so-called ‘pichoneras’ […] those are brought by the Americans” (Jennifer, personal communication, March 30, 2022).⁸ Additionally, due to their marginalization and economic scarcity, very few students have Internet access, despite its crucial role during the school closure due to COVID-19. Ms. Raquel affirmed, “These are places where many do not have access to technology […] and regardless of whether they are in a camp or in extremely poor conditions […] our students must have the same conditions as all children” (Raquel, personal communication, March 15, 2022).

The main employment identified by the teachers was agriculture, followed by those engaged in food preparation. Due to precarious working conditions, the teachers observed instances of racism towards immigrants. For instance, Lupita and Mariana from San Antonio de las Minas highlighted that parents work in vineyards as farmers, overseeing ranches, cabins, or estates, and also in restaurant kitchens: “parents have told me how mistreated they are by their bosses, that there is racism towards them, they feel attacked, but they continue working” (Lupita, personal communication, February 18, 2022).

One prevalent perception among teachers is that the majority of parents have limited formal education, and some may lack basic literacy skills. The teachers also noticed that among internal migrant children, there were speakers of indigenous languages, primarily of Mixtec and Zapotec origin. Teacher Jennifer, who is of Mixtec origin and speaks the language, noted:

Almost all the parents [of my students] speak an indigenous language, like 90%, the children too, only that they are ashamed. Every now and then, a child will speak it to you, but the others don’t want to speak it (Jennifer, personal communication, March 30, 2022).

She tried to encourage Mixteco with her students by practicing it in her classes, but she noticed that the children felt self-conscious when speaking and preferred not to use it.

The teachers also observed that some of the internal migrant children had work experiences even before completing elementary school. The most prevalent jobs were domestic work for girls and day laborer or farmhand for boys. The teachers concluded that this occurs because parents require assistance from their children in the fields or ranches, and particularly in their own homes. Jennifer comments:

it is common for boys and girls to work, especially if they are in fifth and sixth grade, as companies tend to avoid hiring them if they are younger. However, everyone assists their mom with activities that extend beyond regular hours […] especially girls, boys tend to be very macho (sexist) (Jennifer, personal communication, March 30, 2022).

On his part, teacher David confirmed that gender differences persist, and the customs and traditions of the families of migrant CA remain a hindrance to their educational continuity. Boys tend to leave school more quickly to engage in agricultural work, but the situation for girls is more concerning due to their significant domestic responsibilities. Additionally, there are reported cases of girls being sold.

[Regarding] the girls, from the age of 10 [families] are planning to sell them or make an exchange with them. We had to intervene ourselves […] the girls asked us for support because either they had to leave the house or they were going to be sold […] in the end, we were able to rescue one; they were about to sell her for 50 thousand pesos (David, personal communication, March 28, 2022).

From the teachers’ perspective, this phenomenon is encouraged by the same communities of origin of migrants with indigenous ancestry. Customs and traditions play a significant role in shaping life decisions made by internal migrant parents, negatively impacting the future of their own daughters.

c) Resources in Schools for Migrant Children

The interview highlighted the educational inequality prevalent in the schools attended by migrant children. Pedro, David, and Mariana emphasized the need for larger classrooms (with class sizes ranging between 35 and 38 students before the pandemic), improved infrastructure, and adequate materials to offer more personalized and effective support to migrant CA. One contributing factor is the influx of internal migrants into the communities, leading to a rise in the number of children without a corresponding increase in the construction of additional classrooms. Pedro noted that the current classroom size “is already insufficient” for the number of students it accommodates (Pedro, personal communication, February 22, 2022). David highlighted the shortage of classrooms, reaching a point where there was no longer enough space for the children:

We had to search, and well, the church in the community […] provided the facilities to find the necessary spaces for the care of children in preschool, elementary, and middle school. Meanwhile, in the other school [in the urban area] where I am working as a Principle, the classroom capacity was indeed being met (David, personal communication, March 28, 2022).

The issue of classroom overcrowding is exacerbated by the mobility of students throughout the year. Mariana highlighted that the arrival of students in the middle of the school year can pose challenges, especially when they concentrate in specific grades due to limited space. However, Mariana emphasized that no CA can be denied entry as it is their right.

When inquiring about the pandemic, teachers were asked about the resources available for continuing education among migrant populations, and most responded affirmatively. However, there were doubts about the effectiveness of communication. WhatsApp served as the primary means of communication, but a significant number of teachers either did not have smartphones or had only one shared among the entire family, making it inaccessible to the children. To address this, most teachers opted to distribute workbooks and textbooks to parents with a designated schedule for pick-up at the school. Unfortunately, many parents did not show up, leading teachers to personally visit homes to collect the workbooks.

Teacher David highlighted the limited education level of the parents:

even with workbooks and WhatsApp groups, the response was minimal […] there were instances where textbooks were collected, and they were left blank, but it was also because parents lacked the ability to interpret the instructions for their children (David, personal communication, March 28, 2022).

During the pandemic, the significance of schools and teachers in education is well-recognized, but parental support played a crucial role in this process, as they facilitated the integration of school activities into their homes.

Another observation was that teachers who serve internal migrant CA were not informed about any programs addressing the needs of these students, such as the Educational Attention Program for Migrant School Population (Programa de Atención Educativa a la Población Escolar Migrante [PAEPEM]) operational until 2021 or the Basic Education Program for Boys and Girls from Migrant Agricultural Worker Families (Programa de Educación Básica para Niños y Niñas de Familias Jornaleras Agrícolas Migrantes [PRONIM]) active until 2019. These initiatives involved providing material resources to schools and making curriculum adjustments to accommodate migrant children. In contrast, some teachers suggested that the Full-Time Schools Program (Programa de Escuelas de Tiempo Completo [PETC])⁹ could be beneficial for internal migrant children, allowing them to spend more time in school while their parents worked. Unfortunately, this program had not been implemented in all their schools in semi-urban or rural areas. For example, Lupita mentioned: “We had it, and it is beneficial because this way, children spend more time learning and eating well, on time, without the need for their elementary school sibling to take care of them for longer” (Lupita, personal communication, February 18, 2022). Similarly, Professor David emphasized the necessity: “for compensatory programs not only to reach schools in more accessible areas but also in rural areas; with us, there are children who are hungry and also eager to learn” (David, personal communication, March 28, 2022).

c) Educational Processes of Migrant Children

According to the teachers, being an internal migrant can influence educational trajectories, contingent on the parents’ interest in education, as indicated by the statistical model. Teacher Grecia mentioned that there have been instances of successful academic performance when mothers actively engage in their children’s education. However, the opposite scenario is also witnessed, with internal migrant parents focusing on work and neglecting their children. Grecia expressed: “The girl hasn’t been able to learn, doesn’t do her homework […] she and her siblings show poor hygiene and pediculosis, all due to the parents’ negligence, although it’s known that they are working late” (Grecia, personal communication, February 25, 2022).

The interviews suggest that school dropout primarily occurs in preschool and middle school levels, consistent with the quantitative analysis. Instances of dropout in preschool have been observed due to the migratory movement itself or upon arrival at the destination out of sync with the school year, as mentioned by Lupita, Mariana, and Grecia. However, towards the end of elementary school and particularly in middle school, dropout becomes more prevalent and occurs due to the migratory movement itself or the necessity to assist the family, either economically or in domestic tasks.

Pedro, Joel, and Sara noted that while some CA express a desire to pursue further education, precarious living conditions and economic necessities often impede this continuity, as the allure of short-term financial gains becomes prominent. Moreover, in the absence of viable job prospects for young individuals in remote communities and the prevalent issue of drug addiction, both Pedro and Sara observed that certain students contemplate engaging in illegal activities or entering illicit businesses after completing elementary or middle school.