1.1.1 Initial Intentions & Target Income

^{Carling and Vatne Pettersen (2014)} assert that most migrants initially plan to return home but often end up settling in their receiving country. The authors propose the concept “myth of return” as an attempt to explain the common return intentions of migrants that are not achieved. When migrants intend to return, they are influenced by their own personal attachments, ties to their country of origin, and ties to their country of residence (^{Carling, Vatne Petersen, 2014}). Migrants’ ties to their home country are based on their life before migration or on transnational activities such as long-distance communication and sporadic visits. Therefore, as soon as immigrants reach their destination, they face a great number of factors that influence their initial plans or decisions either to return home or to stay in their receiving community, due to the prospects of a better life over there.

Similarly, ^{Arenas et al. (2015)} claim that most immigrants have the original intention of returning home after having achieved some objectives, but that after some time in their receiving place a large number decide to settle in the new country. These are mainly driven by the social, financial, labor and affective relations that immigrants build in the U.S., so those who are able to attain financial success are less likely to return (^{Arenas et al., 2015}). For instance, immigrants who manage to buy a home in the U.S. and those who get married and have children have lower chances of return migration (Massey et al., 2015, Ravuri, 2014, as cited by ^{Arenas et al., 2015}). Moreover, ^{Arenas et al. (2015)} support the rationale that emotional factors also account for immigrants’ decision to settle and not return. For instance, immigrants who are engaged in sustained relationships and those who have married and had children have lower chances to return. Others, on the other hand, simply make a decision because they experience nostalgia and the desire to come back to a place they can call home.

^{Belinda Reyes (1997)} proposed the Target Income Theory, which states that people migrate in order to save money to invest in agricultural equipment or buy more land in their community (Borjas, 1994; Hill, 1987; Lindstrom, 1996; Massey et al., 1993, as cited by ^{Reyes, 1997}). Under this theory, unemployment and low wages account for the main reasons why people resort to immigration. However, as soon as these people save the intended amount they return home, since they have a strong preference for settling in their place of origin.

In the specific case of Mexican immigrants in the U.S., ^{Arenas et al. (2015)} also support the target income scheme, stating that the length of time immigrants take to save the intended amount of money is directly influenced by the immigrant’s human capital - educational attainment, ability to speak English, age, gender and the amount of savings they have in order to survive periods of unemployment (Feliciano, 2008, Massey et al., 2015; Ravuri, 2014; Reyes, 2001; 2004; Van Hook, Zhang, 2011, as cited by ^{Arenas et al., 2015}). Historically, Mexican citizens migrate to the U.S. with the goal of earning money in order to be able to afford a house or start a business, to pay off their debts, or even to acquire certain certification or skill and then come back home. In fact, the amount of money that migrants intend to save and how they plan to spend it depends on conditions related to their places of origin (Lindstrom, 1996; Massey et al., 2006, as cited by ^{Arenas et al., 2015}).

1.1.2 Unfulfilled Objectives

In this regard, ^{Belinda Reyes (1997)} proposed the Disappointment Theory, based mainly on the idea that people return to their home communities because they could not find a job, or they had a low salary. People migrate with the idea of settling in a new location, but they have limited information on the actual opportunities they will have in their target location, and they are therefore forced to return without completing their goals. The underlying factor of this theory is the lack of information accessible to people willing to migrate: more educated people make better decisions based on their knowledge and access to enhanced sources of information, while people with less education make poor decisions and hence are highly likely to fail and return to their countries.

Some other important factors that frustrate immigrants’ objectives and lead them to return home - or have a longer stay - are related to economic, political and even health issues. For instance, public policy decisions in the U.S. affect immigrants’ length of stay, such as the militarization of the U.S. southern border, making reentry harder and more dangerous, thus forcing immigrants to avoid coming back home. Another fundamental factor affecting immigrants’ time abroad is the status of the U.S. labor market and economy in general. For instance, the construction industry - a primary source of employment for Mexican immigrants - was especially affected by the recession of 2007-2009, forcing them to stay longer (^{Arenas et al., 2015}). Moreover, health issues - such as serious illness or disabling injuries - force immigrants out of the job market and require medical attention, which in the U.S. is practically inaccessible for undocumented workers, so they go back to Mexico due to its universal health care system. In fact, health care is going to represent one of the main drivers of return migration to Mexico in the near future, since it has been expanding its services since 2012 (Knaul et al., 2010, as cited by ^{Arenas et al., 2015}).

1.1.3 Circular Migration

This theory is based on the specific case of people who tend to have a great variety of movement between two places, repeatedly and during a short period of time. People involved in this type of repetitive migration pattern are not interested in permanent residence in the foreign country (Zelinsky, 1971, as cited by ^{Reyes, 1997}).

According to ^{Reyes (1997)}, this type of migration activity is caused by land shortages, poor agricultural resources, and labor instability - either in the place of origin or in the destination - that make it harder for them to settle in a specific place. The main factor driving circular migration is the high purchasing power of U.S. salaries in Mexico and at the same time a strong preference for living in the home community (^{Reyes, 1997}).

^{Arenas et al. (2015)} also claim that Mexican citizens in the U.S., at least ideally, pursue a circular migration pattern, since they pursue specific goals aimed at being able to purchase real estate or start a business in their home communities, often coming back after achieving their goal and returning to the U.S. in case of need.

1.1.4 Social Networks and Support

Unlike the previous theories, the social network theory acknowledges that migration is based on economic considerations, but claims that it is a process that is heavily based on societal issues (^{Reyes, 1997}). Moreover, “…migration alters social structures in a way that increases the likelihood of subsequent migration…It relies on a variety of social-structural mechanisms, the most important of which is network formation” (^{Massey, 1990a: 68}).

The social networks formed by immigrants provide aid and support to newcomers, making the arrival process easier for them; for instance, prospective immigrants can count on information, housing, transportation and even employment. Therefore, these social networks increase the probability of migration and of permanent settlement (^{Reyes, 1997}). Furthermore, new immigrants expand the social network, reducing the risk for other migrants coming in the future (Cornelius, 1976a; Lomnitz, 1977, as cited by ^{Reyes, 1997}).

Additionally, ^{Arenas et al. (2015)} acknowledge that one of the main factors influencing the time that Mexican immigrants stay in the U.S. is the existence of social networks in the receiving country, which makes it easier for immigrants to stay longer due to the enhanced social and financial support given by friends and family. As a matter of fact, this is influenced by the immigrants’ region of origin, since citizens coming from traditional sending regions have access to richer social networks than people who come from new sending places (^{Arenas et al., 2015}).

There can be no doubt that the types of return migration explained in the previous four main groups contribute to a general understanding of Mexican - U.S. migration dynamics. Particularly, they recover different authors’ perspectives according to the historical and contemporary migration dynamics of the country.

2.1.1 Barriers to Inclusion in Education

In Mexico, access to education is a fundamental human right granted by Article 3 of the Mexican Constitution. Consequentially, in recent years the Mexican government has implemented different public policies and strategies in order to accomplish the Millenium Development Goals and Sustainable Development Goals (^{Presidencia de la República, 2019}), where education is a main topic. However, the government and most education workers have done very little to integrate transnational students into the education system. According to ^{Eunice Vargas (2018)} the main barriers faced by the children of returned migrants can be classified as administrative/ economic, cultural and social.

To begin with, administrative or economic barriers are represented by the limited access students have to education, the fact that transnational students are only considered for a place at school after national children have been selected, and the lack of identification documents. Cultural barriers are represented by transnational students who struggle with Spanish and the low percentage of bilingual teachers in basic education institutions, as well as the great difference between the school systems in Mexico and the U.S. and the lack of multicultural skills that could help students during the transition process. Finally, the social barriers are represented by the separation of families due to migration and the lack of proper social networks to reintegrate into Mexican society, which have a deep impact in social relations and interactions in the home and receiving countries.

The Mexican Constitution grants the right to education, and Article 8 of the National Migration Law states that access to education should be provided to anyone regardless of their immigration status (^{Vargas, 2018}). Nevertheless, inclusion programs created to help returned migrant students and their families lack an intercultural perspective. Hence, there is administrative attention to the problem but an absence of policies to address cultural and social barriers issues.

In a study conducted by ^{El Colegio de México (2015)} researchers found that the barriers to school integration have delayed returned migrants’ inclusion in the educational system and have caused early school desertion. In fact, the whole demanding process that returned migrants must face to be integrated into the Mexican school system often causes a high number of people to be excluded from education. And although there are some special programs to attend returned migrants, these programs are allocated insufficient resources, which added to the fact that schools offer only a limited number of seats leaves out most of the returned students.

Although some documentation requirements have been waived by the educational authorities, some parents have reported being given inaccurate and incomplete information about admission processes. This causes children to delay their reintegration into school, and in some cases has caused some students to become disappointed and decide to skip school, planning to return to the U.S. as soon as they get older. Another problem faced by transnational students is that they are often forced to repeat the school year due to their illiteracy in Spanish, and sometimes they are pressed to skip grades due to their age, no matter how many school years they have completed in the past. There is no such thing as a language program to help transnational students to achieve proficiency in Spanish, which forces school authorities to create their own strategies. However, this only makes harder for students to integrate into the new system and worsens their learning problems. In the higher education level, documentation processes make it especially hard for students to enroll in institutions in Mexico. This has caused return migrants to have a very low representation in higher education institutions when compared with the rest of the Mexican population. Poverty is one of the main challenges encountered by transnational students at the higher education level, since they are forced to get a job and have to drop out of school. Among those returned students enrolled in high school it is more common for men to have a job as their main activity, while women tend to be more involved in household activities.