Respondents

A multiple case study design was used with a view towards understanding the way insecurity is constructed in a local context with the presence of organized crime groups that engage in high levels of violence. Respondents were selected according to the following criteria: being over 18, having lived in the city for at least seven years (due to the fact that this coincided with the start of Felipe Calderón’s six-year term), and not having experienced any of the following incidents: abduction, rape, or the disappearance or homicide of a family member.

This last criterion was developed with the aim of understanding the way insecurity is constructed by indirect victims,²⁵ who comprise the majority of citizens, and to comply with the ethical goal of avoiding harming respondents by making them relive traumatic experiences associated with these types of incidents. Through the snowball technique, respondents were asked to facilitate contact with people they had known for many years, who had no direct or indirect links with organized crime, and had not been the victims of any criminal groups. They were also required to be people they trusted and with whom they had a friendship, given that in the current context, people do not usually discuss the issue with strangers for safety reasons.

Exploration methods

The study was based on the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki and the Ethical Principles of Psychologists. Informed consent was obtained from all the respondents, the confidentiality of the data was protected and their anonymity preserved for security reasons. The study was conducted during the period from February to July 2015 in a municipality in the center of Tamaulipas.

The study began with a checklist to determine whether respondents met the inclusion criteria, after which they were asked for their informed consent. Once respondents had agreed to collaborate in the study, a brief survey was conducted to collect socio-demographic data.

After the questionnaire had been administered, a semi-structured interview was conducted lasting between 15 and 40 minutes, which were audio-recorded for subsequent transcription and analysis. An interview guide was used to explore the following topics: 1) incidents related to insecurity; 2) causes of insecurity; 3) emotions when faced with insecurity; 4) consequences of insecurity on their everyday lives; and 5) individual strategies for controlling insecurity. It should be noted that during the interviews, respondents’ names were not mentioned in order to protect their identities, and after the analysis the interviews were erased from electronic records.

Data analysis

Interview transcriptions underwent computer-assisted analysis with the MAXQDA program version 11. Using this program, codes and sub-codes were created according to the topics covered in the interview guide. Once the main codes had been identified through the construction of visual maps and the collection of code frequencies, a manual analysis was performed to identify the broadest categories with their respective sub-categories, in keeping with the notion that the feeling of insecurity is a structure that includes emotion, the interpretative framework that lends it meaning and practical strategies for its control.^19,21

Incidents related to insecurity (figure 1)

From the respondents’ point of view, the situations that produced the greatest fear were abductions and shootouts:

I have heard that when it is very late at night or early in the morning, sometimes there are shootings, I do not know where but sometimes there are shootings and that worries me [case 15, woman, aged 37].

After this, they expressed concern about crimes such as assault, homicide and robbery, as well crimes reflecting the diversification of the criminal activities of organized crime in the locality, specifically extortion and fee collection:

Lots of premises are closed due to insecurity, you can’t have your own business or you have to take your phone number off the adverts, those kinds of things [case 26, woman, aged 23].

Figure 1 Associated situations to insecurity. Percentage of code use by all the sample (N=30). Tamaulipas, Mexico, 2015 

Another issue linked to the dynamic of organized crime that worries respondents is that of disappearances, which are associated with the settling of accounts or the search for information. To a lesser extent they refer to issues, not classified as crimes, which also constitute expressions of organized crime in the city: the existence of a paramilitary group known as Halcones, road closures and fake roadblocks.

Assaults were more often reported by men, whereas women were more likely report disappearances, rapes and acts to control the city such as the closure of streets and places, false checkpoints and the presence of halcones. Workers reported theft more often than students, who mentioned homicide. The group of people without children expressed greater concern about the crimes of homicide and extortion than those without children.

Causes of insecurity (figure 2)

With respect to the causes of insecurity, respondents declared that the main cause was the “government”, which they criticized for its lack of action or for “allowing organized crime to grow”; as well as a shortage of appropriate security strategies, including a lack of policy capacity or surveillance in the city and they even cited the prioritization of personal interests above those of the public good. Another cause they mentioned is the collusion between the government and organized crime:

They let them grow [...] I think that because they lent them money that didn’t have to be reported, they were making a good income on the side, they used to make deals [...] so they started grabbing economic power, influence and experience of how everything is run and by the time they really tried, to bring them down, all hell was let loose [case 7, man, aged 22 ].

Figure 2 Perceived causes of insecurity. Percentage of code use by all the sample (N=30). Tamaulipas, Mexico, 2015 

As for organized crime, also referred to as “drugs trafficking” by respondents, it was said that criminals act out of “greed” or because of their “pursuit of money”. However, they also perceive that the situation of insecurity is related to the “power struggle” between rival criminal organizations, and among federal forces. Among the respondents, there were some who mentioned causes such as “economic necessity”, “job insecurity”, and the “lack of education”, as well as “an easy way to get money”. They also mentioned other moral causes such as the lack of values and spirituality.

Among the group of men, greater importance was given to corruption as a cause of insecurity. Social causes were mentioned, such as the neglect of marginalized neighborhoods, family disintegration and the arrival of people from other places, which were not mentioned by the women’s group. A higher proportion of the group without children considered that insecurity is due to government failures in maintaining the law, and the design and implementation of public security strategies.

Emotions associated with insecurity (figure 3)

Among the respondents, the main emotions referred to were “fear” or “dread” and they used words like “worry” or “unease” to refer to their emotional state in the face of the presence of organized crime in the locality:

Well maybe criminals make me more scared because of the fact that […] they don’t have any kind of obligation to the state or citizens and the fact that they are not going to be considerate or anything because they are colder and crueler [case 13, woman, aged 23].

Figure 3 Emotions linked to insecurity. Percentage of code use by all the sample. Tamaulipas, Mexico, 2015 

However, some of the respondents declared that they felt “calm” at that moment, and to a lesser extent they said that they felt “indifference,” as though they had “resigned” themselves or “got used” to the local situation. Moreover, some respondents expressed emotions such as “anger” or “annoyance”, some felt “tension”, “helplessness”, or even perceived that they had a “limited” life or that it had “turned into a mess”. It should be noted that the expression of emotions such as “sadness” and “grief” was minimal.

Women said that they were frightened more often than men, who were more likely to say that they felt uneasy, which is less intense than fear and encompasses a range of sensations such as worry, tension and vulnerability. People with children were more likely to report feeling fear than those who did not; in addition to feeling angry, unlike the other group. A larger proportion of workers said that they felt afraid compared with the group of students.

Consequences of insecurity (figure 4)

The main consequence of insecurity for the respondents has been “not going out”; in other words, a restriction on their circulation or movement in public places, especially at night, which means having to stay at home, cut down their social life and suffer from restrictions in everyday life related to various areas such as self-care and going out with their family or friends:

You think about going out like before when you went out at night or things like that so, you think about it a little bit, doing a certain activity that you used to do back then, yes, it does stop you a bit, it deprives you of lots of things in your everyday life because you think twice before doing them [case 25, woman, aged 26].

Figure 4 Psychosocial consequences of insecurity in every day life. Percentage of code use in all the sample (N =30). Tamaulipas, Mexico 2015 

Another significant consequence involves the “suspicion” felt towards other people, which can be expressed at the relational level as exemplified by the codes of “not making friends with strangers”, “not sharing personal details” or “only going out with friends you know”. To describe the situation, they used terms such as “psychosis”, “paranoia” and “not knowing if they are a thief or someone who could harm you”.

Among other factors that have been restricted was “traveling on the highway”. Another thing mentioned was the consequence of looking after family members. Above all there was a tendency to overprotect them, which stems from worrying about their children; and more often certain consequences in the work environment such as losing clients, money or the interruption of work activities. Respondents without children reported more consequences such as travel restrictions and harm to businesses or firms than those who were parents.

Strategies for managing insecurity (figure 5)

The main strategies respondents used to protect themselves or avoid situations related to insecurity concerns was “being careful about arrival times”, especially “avoiding going out late” or at night.

I try not to go out late, to get home early and well not to go out, not to go out after ten at night [case 4, woman, aged 53].

As well as a reorganization of time in everyday life, reference was also made to a reduction in movement in the street, or in terms of trips as a way to protect oneself. Furthermore, the importance of avoiding certain places was mentioned, particularly bars, clubs or zones perceived as being high risk, such as the outskirts of the city.

Alternative forms of self-protection involved “not giving out personal information”, “distrusting strangers” and “getting to know the people who surround you”. They also mention the importance of using social networks and cell phones mainly so they can keep in touch with their families:

Well, here my only family is my sister... if she’s going out she tells me where she is so I know where she’s going to stay or if she’s going to stay at my house [case 27, woman, aged 24].

Figure 5 Insecurity management strategies. Percentage of code use by all the sample (N=30). Tamaulipas, México, 2015 

Compared with women, men reported greater use of the strategy of not getting in trouble or keeping a low profile in order not to attract attention. The group without children and the group of students declared that they were more likely to use the strategy of avoiding places, communicating via social networks and coping with violent situations, compared with the groups with children, and workers, who were more likely to use the strategy of not providing personal data.

Unlike the previous strategies, which are designed to protect respondents from possible incidents related to organized crime, the following strategies attempt to deal with the dissatisfaction caused by the local situation. The key strategy mentioned by the respondents was “trying to lead a normal life” or “getting on with their lives”, which involves trying to keep the peace despite the presence of organized crime so as not to interrupt their everyday lives. This implies a process of normalizing a situation in which insecurity is present and not allowing it to completely take over their everyday lives:

In general, I try to do activities, umm, as normally as possible so as not to affect my emotional issues [case 29, man, aged 35].

Other strategies involve avoidance (“not knowing what is happening in the city” or “keeping themselves isolated”, as well as “not thinking about insecurity”) or trying to maintain a positive perspective (“not seeing the downside”, “trying to think positively”, “not thinking about what could happen”). Furthermore, spiritual strategies are mentioned, such as “keeping their faith”, “entrusting themselves to God” or “praying”:

I try to trust God, that He will protect us and that we will be alright [case 20, man, aged 58].

The group of parents used the normalization strategy more often than the group without children, whereas men were more likely to report trying to think positively or changing their perception of the problem than the group of women.