Introduction

History shows that the different types of boundaries in a geographic space that share borders can bring associated conflicts (^{Lois & Cairo, 2011}; ^{Naranjo Giraldo, 2014}), impacting a territory’s ability to generate wealth and promote sustainable tourism.

The push and pull elements associated with border location are a focus of interest for the study of the possible relationships that can be established between the tourism industry and the boundaries marked between different states (^{Moral Cuadra et al., 2016}; ^{Hernández Ramírez, 2017}; ^{Timothy, 2001}).

Specifically, tourism has become one of the pillars of development in today’s society, configuring spaces and economic interests that have a direct impact, especially in island territories (^{Apostoulopoulos & Gayle, 2002}). Therefore, geography imposes its rules on geopolitical issues, creating a more complex relation than the tourism-geography binomial (^{Bettoni & Giblin, 2009}), so the study of the narrow strip of sea that separates Morocco and Spain and its adjacent territories is one of the borders that, due to its special conditions, are of greatest concern to the European Union and the Atlantic Alliance (^{García Hernando, 2008}), a concern that leaves an open door to shared progress, since they can exploit its frontier status, for the sake of a common benefit not exempt from conflicts, making its study particularly interesting.

This geographical setting has been a friction point for millennia, where war, confrontation, trade, cultural diffusion, and accommodation (^{Bettoni & Giblin, 2009}; ^{Driessen, 1992}) have shaped the current reality. This is not an isolated case; the North-South border or, following a more modern terminology, the so-called global border, which includes the Spanish-Moroccan border, shows great similarities with other border issues.

Since the 1990s, the tourism potential of island territories has been the subject of numerous studies from a general perspective (^{Briguglio et al., 1996}; ^{Conlin & Baum, 1995}; ^{Lockhart & Drakakis-Smith, 1997}) or in case studies according to the typology of islands, whether tropical (^{Gössling, 2003}) or cold water (^{Baldacchino, 2006}), or small-sized islands (^{Grilli et al., 2021}; ^{Kurniawan et al., 2019}) or with a high-level tourism profile such as the Balearic Islands or Hawaii (^{Bardolet & Sheldon, 2008}).

The prime objective of the present research is to highlight the island border status of the Chafarinas Islands and their future options by reviewing the changing catalog of frontier functions that the islands have performed over time (^{Anderson, 1995}; ^{Calderón Vázquez, 2014}; ^{Driessen, 1996}; ^{Mariñas Otero, 1998}; ^{Newman & Paasi, 1998}; ^{Sharpley, 2012}). In this matter, the territorial support of the Chafarinas, even with its small size, is a space of rich biodiversity, has undoubted ecological value (^{Torres Gavilá, 2008}; ^{Verdú Baeza, 2014}), and enjoys an excellent state of conservation of the environment of its original terrestrial, marine and underwater communities, so that the Chafarinas Islands could be considered a true Mediterranean ecological treasure, which increases its strategic value in the context of the Alboran Sea (^{Flores-Moya et al., 2021}).

In addition, the reason for this almost perfect state of environmental conservation derives from its status as a border island, which implies very restricted access to the territory, given the military control to which it is subjected, and makes it a marine ecoregion for nature conservation (^{Olson & Dinerstein, 2002}; ^{Watson et al., 2014}) that may be of interest for the economic development and the geopolitical future of the area.

The secondary objectives are the contribution of new empirical materials to the field of “island borders” and border islands by contributing new data and records to the debate on Spanish (and European) African borders.

Table 1 lists the authors who have analyzed the problems of the Chafarinas Islands and the different perspectives. History, politics, and geography come together to offer an overview that is an excellent starting point to observe the island group from a legal perspective, which considers aspects of daily life and the special biological and geological singularities of the environment. All these elements offer possibilities to assess the current situation of the island group, although they focus to a greater extent on those aspects that can help to reflect on a future that goes beyond its current depopulated state.¹

The structure of the research begins with the introduction, which includes a review of the literature. The following section describes the geographic and geophysical characteristics and the ecological and environmental aspects of the area. The third section describes the historical process of the constitution of Chafarinas as a Spanish territory, considering its inhabitants’ lifestyle and economic activities and the demographic evolution observed in the islands to try to discover the reasons that may explain the depopulation process. The fourth section analyzes the complex border problems it faces, paying special attention to the conflicts and frictions with Morocco and the migratory pressure, which is more potential than real but which causes some alarm to the Spanish authorities. The fifth section addresses, from a critical perspective, the archipelago’s possible future in terms of sustainable development and tourism, followed by the most pertinent conclusions.

The reflections and possible conclusions will be related to analyzing the changes in the border function of the Spanish possessions on the North African coast. An issue that has been occurring over time has led to the depopulation of these places and their progressive conversion into nature reserves, from which arises a debate on the possible sustainable tourism uses of island territories (^{Carlsen & Butler, 2011}; ^{Graci & Dodds, 2010}).

Nature, ornithological, and bird-watching tourism can be presented as an option for the future and constitute an instrument to overcome the current situation of border isolation and depopulation of the Chafarinas Islands, as well as the revitalization of economic activities (^{Calderón Vázquez, 2013}).

Furthermore, the present study synthesizes previously scattered knowledge on the Spanish North African island territories to address its prospects. To this end, the quantitative aspects of the work have utilized the archival source of the official censuses of 1910 (vol. 4) and 1920 (vol. 5) for the labor market aspects and the trajectory followed by the population variable in the set of official population censuses (1877-1970), consulted at the National Institute of Statistics (INE). This information has provided the study with a research perspective that has been scarcely developed to date, which permits the observation of the demographic cycles and the transformation of the territory in terms of occupation.

In any case, the complexity of the subject to be dealt with has meant using academic sources as far as the subject matter has made it possible, complemented by the opinion of experts and their publications in the press. It must be said that data from primary sources are due to the connotations that come with the use of figures compiled without the precision that files referring to population variables and professional activities have enjoyed in recent decades.

The island border territory. Geophysical characteristics of the Chafarinas, ecological and environmental aspects

The Chafarinas Islands are part of the territories under Spanish sovereignty located on the North African coast, known as plazas de soberanía (places of sovereignty) (Table 2). This set can be divided into two main groups. On the one hand, the land areas comprised the coastal border cities (Ceuta and Melilla) and the Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera. On the other hand, the island areas are composed of two archipelagos (Chafarinas and Al Hoceima islands). The plazas de soberanía are integrated into the European Union and constitute Africa’s only European external border (Figure 1).

The archipelago is located in the Alboran Sea, 45 km east of the Spanish enclave of Melilla and 3.3 km from the Moroccan Mediterranean coast (Ras el Ma) (Figure 1).

Source: created by the authors based on the cartography of the National Geographic Institute (IGN by its acronym in Spanish)

Figure 1 Location map of the Chafarinas Islands 

The Chafarinas Islands are a small archipelago of volcanic origin formed by three islands named Congreso, Isabel II (the only one inhabited), and Rey. They are located south of the Iberian Peninsula, in the southern part of the Alboran Sea, about 27 nautical miles east of Melilla and 1.73 miles from the Moroccan coast (^{MAPA, 2018}).² Historically, the proximity of this island group to Morocco has marked its development, as noted in the historical text by ^{De Sangroniz y Castro (1924}).³

Congreso is the westernmost island, the largest, and the highest above sea level. Isabel II (Figure 2) is located between the other two, separated 1 km from the previous one and about 175 m from Rey Island. This easternmost island is the smallest and the lowest, as seen in Tables 3 and 4. Human presence dates back to the Neolithic, as attested by archaeological remains, such as Cardial pottery, and has remained more or less stable until recent times despite the changes experienced throughout history (^{Gibaja et al., 2012}).

Source: González Novo, M. CC0 License

Figure 2 Isabel II Island as seen from Cabo del Agua (Morocco) 

The archipelago enjoys a dry Mediterranean climate, strongly influenced by the prevailing winds (east or west). The orography in Chafarinas is characterized by its rugged surface, and its coastal profile is of abrupt morphology, with an abundance of cliffs that are difficult to access. The absence of springs or sources of drinking water makes human life difficult (Table 3).

Precisely, this situation and the knowledge of the following aspects are of great significance insofar as they have been generators of multiple conflicts throughout history, which means they should be taken into account to plan their future options better.

In any case, it is interesting to observe the evolution of the environmental protection of the species, as shown in Table 4, as it shows the marine wealth of these unique places in this area of the Mediterranean.

Historical and demographic aspects: the road to social and economic depopulation

The settlement of the Chafarinas Islands can be traced back to the Paleolithic. On the island of Congreso, archaeological structures of great interest define a small habitat with traces of agriculture and livestock, and evidence of mollusk harvesting. Subsequently, the Romans knew the islands as Tres Insulae, listed in the Itinerario of the Emperor Antoninus (^{Verdú Baeza, 2014}).

The Chafarinas appear in the oldest portolan charts on record, such as those of Pietro Visconti de Geres (1314), the Catalan Chart of Tastu and Buchon (1375), the portolan chart of Andrea Bianco (1436), and that of Juan de la Cosa (1493), a proof of their importance as the only sheltered port in the area in case of bad weather or heavy seas (^{Gámez Gómez, 2013}).

Although the Chafarinas Islands were functionally linked to Melilla since the Spanish occupation of this North African settlement in 1497 (^{Bravo Nieto, 1990}), the official seizure of the islands took place in 1848. Given the strategic nature of its position, its official possession by Spain would arouse the misgivings of France, among other European powers, which would try to occupy it because of its territorial ambitions in the area (^{Mir Berlanga, 1980}).

Initially, the Chafarinas archipelago was an insular extension of the enclave of Melilla. The islands were used as a recreational area for nautical and leisure activities, as a quarry for materials, as a military site, and as a place of confinement for prisoners after the installation of the garrison and the criminal detachment on the island Isabel II (^{Mir Berlanga, 1980}). Likewise, in addition to the military and prisoners, the various public works conducted in Chafarinas, especially the construction of the port (^{Narváez López, 2013}; ^{Ruiz Romero de la Cruz, 2004}), attracted workers, civilians, fishermen, and merchants (^{Mariñas Otero, 1998}).

The range of border functions of the Chafarinas was expanded to include the reception and quarantine of crews coming from Spanish America, as well as a convalescent hospital for the wounded and sick from the African wars (Eastern Rif campaigns), to relieve pressure on the overcrowded hospitals of Melilla (^{Iglesias, 2010}; ^{Martínez, 2016}).

After the Spanish victory of Wad Ras (1859) and its consequences, the Tetuan Peace Treaty (1860) and the Madrid Trade Treaty (1861), a free port regime was established in all the North African territories of Spain (^{Garrido Guijarro, 2014}). A colonial bias was thus introduced in the catalog of border functions of the North African enclaves, which from 1863 served as platforms to expand commercial activities and strengthen the Spanish presence on African soil, to increase, in the case of the Chafarinas, commercial activities with the neighboring coasts, which were opening up to Spanish influence.

This new role differed from the traditional frontier function assigned to the old Spanish presidios in North Africa, the so-called “African border” of Spain. From then on, the old presidios were no longer seen as mere palisades intended to “detain, contain and control” Berbers and Turks. Henceforth, their mission was to open the Maghreb market to Spanish exports. In addition, the increase in the frequency-destinations of maritime transport and the improvement of communications (connecting Melilla by cables and telegraph) broke the almost total isolation that characterized life in these island peripheries (^{Calderón Vázquez, 2014}).

The increase in housing, educational, health, and administrative services and the flourishing of commercial activities in all enclaves, especially visible in 1900-1920, favored population growth. So important was this new frontier function for the Spanish government that it proceeded to close the prisons in all the North African possessions, which positively impacted the appreciable improvement of living conditions (^{Quirós Linares, 1998}).

The rollout of economic activities in the Chafarinas Islands brought with it an “explosion” of urban life, with a “white village” emerging almost out of nowhere on Isabel II Island, with a church, stores, a theater, casino, telegraph, postal services, school, etcetera. This was a locality where a particular military-civilian community resided, as shown in Table 5 and Table 6, which faithfully reflect the stage of greatest population and urban vitality in the Chafarinas.

Numerous testimonies speak of an integrated community, despite the existing differences, a Spanish-Catholic society in which there was a certain social life based around culture and sports (^{Lechado Granados, 2013}, p. 89)⁴ and that reflected the economic prosperity resulting from the increase of certain activities such as construction, fishing, and trade with the ports of French Algeria (Nemours and Kis, mainly) and the neighboring Quebdana coast.

As for irregular trade, smuggling was a common resource in the area of influence of the enclaves (^{Pastor Garrigues, 2006}); it was a commercial flow tolerated by the Spanish authorities. In the case of Chafarinas, the main products trafficked (as in the enclaves of Alhucemas and Vélez) were firearms, Winchester and Remington rifles, which had large profit margins, for which the uninhabited Congreso island was used to hide the shipments until their subsequent sale to the Moroccans (^{Esquembri Hinojo, 2013}).

The establishment of the Franco-Spanish Protectorate (1912-1956) in Morocco structurally changed the situation and status of the Spanish enclaves in North Africa since the continental urban centers (Melilla and Ceuta) began a period of vertiginous socioeconomic expansion as a consequence of their status as coastal urban centers, endowed with the only appropriate port infrastructures in that stretch of the North African coast. On the other hand, the arrival of the Protectorate meant a gradual abandonment and depopulation of the island enclaves, given the better socioeconomic prospects on the European continent for the inhabitants of the islands.

According to available data (Figure 3), the turning point in the presence of civilians in the Chafarinas occurred during the period 1910-1930, after the end of the Rif War (1927), which had economic and political consequences (^{Díaz Morlán, 2015}; ^{Moga Romero, 2010}; ^{Paniagua López, 2018}), when its depopulation began to accelerate, going from 730 inhabitants (1910) to 173 (1930), which meant the loss of 77% of its population. Only military personnel, civilian officials, and their families remained on the islands. The loss of inhabitants peaked in the 1950s when the population of the Chafarinas amounted to about a hundred people.

Source: created by the authors based on ^{Calderón Vázquez, 2014}; Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE), Censo de Población (1877-1970), https://www.ine.es/inebaseweb/71807.do?language=0#

Figure 3 Evolution of the population of the Chafarinas islands (1877-1970) 

Between 1952 and 1953, there were some attempts to halt the economic and demographic decline of the Chafarinas; a media campaign was launched called “Revitalization of the Islands” aimed at the socioeconomic revitalization of the islands, with a series of projects and works to be conducted. These included the restoration of the church and several buildings and other works to enable the entry of large ships, tuna vessels, and facilities for promoting the fishing industry. The construction of a tourist hostel and the reestablishment of a weekly shuttle service to Melilla were also proposed for “the many tourists” expected to visit the islands (^{Esquembri Hinojo, 2013}).

The end of the Protectorate and the independence of Morocco in 1956 meant the Spanish island enclaves recovered their full border status. The garrison and their families were reinforced, as well as the presence of some civilians, generally public employees, with trades such as lighthouse keepers, telegraphists, letter carriers, teachers, bakers, mechanics, etcetera.

Maritime communications between the islands, the cities of Ceuta and Melilla, and the mainland were conducted through a marine line that put supply ships into service to link Ceuta and Melilla with the islands and other small territories. This line was maintained until the mid-1980s, at which time, with the entry into force of the “Plan Meta” (1985), supply was conducted weekly by military helicopters, supplemented by Spanish Navy ships when necessary.

In the last decades of the 20th century, technological advances and the automation of lighthouses and communications increased the loss of the civilian population. They left the Chafarinas during the 1980s, and the military streamlined or replaced their jobs (^{Calderón Vázquez, 2014}).

Specifically, in 1986, the maritime line linking Melilla and Chafarinas was closed (^{Esquembri Hinojo, 2013}), resulting in Chafarinas losing its civilian population and equipment. The reduction of military personnel had a particular impact on the Sea Company, which affected the availability of ships when the last of the so-called “mixed ships” serving the islands were withdrawn in the mid-1990s. For this reason, maritime communications with the Chafarinas were limited to Navy ships, transporting materials and supplies, especially drinking water, to supply them. The effects of the professionalization and modernization of the Spanish Army have been strongly felt in this regard (^{Esquembri Hinojo, 2013}).⁵

Since 2012, a Civil Guard brigade specialized in the fight against drug trafficking has been present in the Chafarinas. A group of archaeologists is conducting important research at the Neolithic site of Zafrin. Occasionally, Port Authority operators and temporary work camps combine archaeological research with the cleaning and repair of old roads (^{Narváez López, 2013}, p. 85).

Border islands: conflicts and migration pressures

The Chafarinas, in the context of the Mediterranean and particularly of the Mauritanian-Tingitanian area, has been a disputed space in the past, where the great tectonic plates, in this case, economic and cultural, have collided with two worlds, the traditionally opposed North and the South (^{Braudel, 2001}).

Phenomena such as the African and North African demographic timebomb (^{Swedenburg, 2007}) or the clash between the two Mediterranean shores, which are very different in terms of religion, ethnicity, culture, and lifestyle, stimulate and enhance conflicts. Added to all this are the problems of drug trafficking, irregular immigration, and other security issues (^{Bramwell & Lane, 2012}).

Discussion and reflections: the Chafarinas Islands and their future challenges

The Chafarinas Islands (together with the Al Hoceima Islands) constitute the insular and maritime section of the Spanish-Moroccan border. In territorial terms, these small archipelagos are characterized by their vulnerability and fragility as they are practically “embedded” in the Moroccan coast, in the case of Al Hoceima, or at a very short distance, as in Chafarinas. This makes them militarily indefensible and, more importantly, complicates the definition of their territorial waters, their limits, and sometimes even the border line itself (as in the case of the Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera) unless the other side of the border shows a positive and cooperative attitude.

As this is a sine qua non issue, Spanish-Moroccan cooperation, or the lack of it, has significantly marked the vicissitudes and life of both archipelagos and the rest of the Hispanic border areas in North Africa in recent decades. Given the dynamics of the constant border friction between the two countries, the archipelagos of Chafarinas and Al Hoceima and the rest of the North African territories under Spanish sovereignty are a continuous source of confrontation with the Kingdom of Morocco.

For a significant group of authors, adequate implementation of sustainable tourism should emphasize the systematic management of the following aspects: environmental degradation, generation of economic benefits for host communities, and residents’ perceptions (^{Cole, 2012}; ^{Diedrich & García-Buades, 2009}; ^{Kim et al., 2013}; ^{Tosun, 2000}).

The current critical thinking rejects the use of the term sustainable tourism, as it suggests that its use can be instrumentalized by political actors whose real objective is somehow to “green” what is simply economic growth (^{Bramwell & Lane, 2012}; ^{Higham, 2007}; ^{Honey, 2008}; ^{Hunter, 2002}; ^{Sharpley, 2010}; ^{Weaver & Oppermann, 2000}).

It should be taken into account that the increase in visitor arrivals due to tourism activity on the islands, especially on the small islands, which tend to have limited stocks of natural resources, can push the use of these resources to their limit of viability or even beyond sustainable levels, as has happened in the context of mass tourism in the Mediterranean, where an enormous impact on its islands and coastal areas has been observed (^{Bramwell, 2004}; ^{Obrador Pons et al., 2009}). In any case, studies on the impact of tourism on island destinations should be considered, as they have demonstrated the positive and negative externalities it generates (^{Baldacchino & Milne, 2000}; ^{Briguglio et al., 1996}; ^{Conlin & Baum, 1995}; ^{Gössling, 2003}; ^{Lockhart & Drakakis-Smith, 1996}).

The truth is that after the debate on the tourist interest in areas where nature is of essential value, with options for economic exploitation, the designation of Chafarinas as a National Hunting Refuge in 1982 marked a point of no return in the life of these islands, initiating a new cycle of activities related to the environment and sustainable development, which can favor their conservation and revitalization.¹⁹

Therefore, issues related to the environmental impact of tourism, waste management, and biodiversity conservation can be much more sensitive on islands than in other tourist destinations. Consequently, it is said that there is a “paradox of tourism in the islands” (^{Hall, 2010}) since the arrival of large-scale tourist flows could alter the fragile ecological balance of the islands and negatively affect those natural and cultural resources that have awakened tourist interest in the island territories.

Conclusions

The problem of the Chafarinas Islands is quite complex because, as Varela recognized in the last quarter of the 20th century, it enjoys a privileged location but with an uncertain future (^{Varela, 1981}). The Chafarinas, Al Hoceima archipelagos, and, in general, the rest of the Spanish territories in North Africa are a constant source of confrontation with the Kingdom of Morocco. This issue is important in the policy and management of the region insofar as it is currently one of Spain’s main trading partners, so that, with a view to a prosperous future, the sensitivities of the neighboring country should be considered. It should be involved in the initiatives that can be carried out, particularly those that can become vectors of sustainable local development.

The absence of economic activities, the military management of the islands, and their increasing environmental protection have laid the foundations for creating a unique natural area in the Mediterranean Sea that is highly degraded by pollution and the destruction of habitats. Therefore, this natural resource, probably one of the last in the Mare Nostrum, must be studied deeply, and the research results must be disseminated. Otherwise, these border islands will be a unique ecological sanctuary, but with no contribution to the society that has created it.

Accordingly, resolving conflicts on the island border of Chafarinas requires adopting a series of measures based on sustainable tourism, as proposed for small island developing states by the World Tourism Organization, which promotes the blue economy, in accordance with target 14.7. of the sustainable development goals (ODS, by its acronym in Spanish) to avoid the negative effects of tourism degrading the existing environmental resources, which is especially important for micro-islands such as the Chafarinas. To this end, the creation of a large international research center specialized in Mediterranean marine ecology, managed and sponsored by the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (MAPA, by its acronym in Spanish), the European Union, and UNESCO, with the participation of Morocco, which would allow access to the islands for researchers, scientists and biologists from all over the world and help to spread the sanctuary worldwide, could be a good start to get the islands out of their impasse.

For these proposals not to end up being as mere pious aspirations, it is essential to review Spain’s traditional positioning in the North African region since the current situation has much to do with the decisions taken in the past, not only in the sense of actions and decisions observed in the long term─such as the emptying of the islands, or their conversion into mere military bases─but also in the sense of omissions, such as the vague policy of maintaining a presence in Africa, but without a clear perspective or vision of the future.

Therefore, offering a development based on sustainable tourist activity, requiring the necessary cooperation of Morocco, which integrates this area within a wider tourism program, including the neighboring country, could be the embryo of a policy that helps the gradual dissolution of existing conflicts in the perspective of a mutual benefit in the medium and long term, even considering the difficulties involved, due to the always delicate situation of Ceuta and Melilla, without forgetting the role played in this context of geographical proximity by the Canary Islands archipelago. Public investments will be necessary to regenerate housing, transport, and communication infrastructures in the Chafarinas, with special emphasis on digital technologies, to make life easier for residents.

Overcoming this impasse means addressing the socioeconomic gap since, with productive economic activities and a civilian population to carry them out, it seems easier for the Chafarinas to regain a role in today’s society. It is known that society is increasingly demanding spaces to have experiences of contact with nature and tourism that provides for environmental protection, which would be a possible way out of economic stagnation.

In any case, it is necessary to raise awareness so that Europe and Spain in general are aware of the importance of these territories in the present and, above all, the role they can play in the future of the region, as the EU border in Africa, by adopting a realistic view of border relations and the geopolitical position of the Chafarinas. Offering sustainable development based on tourism requires the necessary cooperation with Morocco, integrating this area into a broader tourism program that includes the neighboring country. In this way, border conflicts could be diluted with a view to mutual benefit in the medium and long term.